Published
on Friday, July 3, 2009 by The Guardian/UK
California's IOU to the World
The budget crisis that has paralysed America's wealthiest
state could be a taste of what's in store for the rest of us
by Sasha Abramsky
In recent months, a number of reports by
risk-analysts, insurers and intelligence agencies have
highlighted the possibility of political instability following
in the wake of the global economic turmoil. Most of the
potential trouble spots have been identified as being in poorer
parts of the world. Last week,
Lloyds ,
for example, highlighted the risk of instability in Latin
America.
Over the past few weeks, however,
tremendous political chaos has emerged in some of the most
affluent parts of the globe. In the UK, the government is
teetering on the edge of collapse and a tsunami of somewhat
inchoate rage at the
shenanigans of politicians of all stripes is rolling in on
parliament. In Italy,
Silvio Berlusconi's peccadilloes
are adding fuel to the
fires of discontent. And in
California ,
America's wealthiest and most populous state, an extraordinary
political stalemate around how to deal with
a yawning budget deficit
risks essentially
catapulting the state into insolvency,
devastating social programmes and education alike
, and igniting massive
popular anger. As of today, California has started issuing
billions of dollars in IOUs
to its creditors.
California's crisis contains the most
lessons for how economic collapse might play out in the arena of
public services in wealthy regions over the coming years. For it
represents a colossal clash of visions that have co-existed
(albeit uncomfortably) for decades but are now increasingly
incompatible.
Vision number one: a certain sense of
social liberalism when it comes to obligations to the poor, the
hungry, the vulnerable. We like programmes that feed the poor,
that provide mental health services, job training, drug
treatment and so on. We like good schools and first-rate public
universities that allow people from down-to-earth backgrounds to
carve out successful niches for themselves within the American
dream.
(More conservatively, but also tied into
big government, we like building up police forces to the hilt
and funding ever-more prisons to house evermore prisoners.
That's been one of the more destructive leitmotifs of American
politics in recent decades.)
But then there's vision number two: a deep
unease with big government and with funding big government to
meet the extent of its ambitions through property, income and
business taxes. We routinely block tax increases, at the same
time as we limit local governments' ability to determine what
property tax rates ought to be (Proposition
13 , passed
by California's electorate in 1978, essentially capped property
taxes at a lower rate than exists in most other states in the
country).
These are, to some degree, national trends.
There have been anti-tax revolts across America since the 1960s.
Like so many other social phenomena, they are, however,
magnified in the Golden State.
Last year, the
California Budget Project
released a report that
found Californians were spending 0.34% of their income on sales
taxes in 2007, compared to 0.55% 40 years earlier. The share of
corporate income paid in taxes fell from a high of 9.6% in 1981
to a little over 5% today. All told, tax cuts enacted since the
early 1990s, the CBP calculated, were now costing the state
between $11bn and $13bn annually.
In California's case, the two visions have,
over the past several decades, produced a deeply schizophrenic
political reality. Essentially, voters have approved one
unfunded social programme after the next, while at the same time
hamstringing legislators' ability to raise taxes as well as the
ability of local government to raise adequate funds via property
taxes. It's as if the state's left hand is taking cues from,
say, Massachusetts or Sweden, while the state's right hand is
responding to stimuli sent forth from Mississippi or Alabama.
California is the only state in America to
require a two-thirds "supermajority" of legislators to support
both tax increases and also the passage of a state budget. It's
also the only state to let huge financial obligations and tax
rollbacks be decided on, with no limitations, by popular
initiative.
The result? Almost like clockwork, in the
spring and early summer, politicians in Sacramento stalemate
during budget negotiations, the state heads toward chaos and
then at the last minute back-door deals are done, band-aids are
applied, more funds are somehow borrowed to cover the shortfalls
and the state staggers on until the next crisis strikes.
In the past couple months, however, the
scale of the revenue shortfalls caused by the state's plummeting
economic condition and chronic inability to raise needed tax
revenues has actually pushed California pretty much beyond the
tipping point. Education spending is already the lowest per
student of any state in America. Now it's slated to decline by
several billions dollars more. Meanwhile, the public university
system - once the jewel in California's governmental crown - is
being asked to absorb vast cuts, and the university is
responding by raising fees for students and pushing for an 8%
across-the-board pay cut for staff and faculty.
Thousands of prisoners are likely to be
released early, with no funds allotted to help them reintegrate
into the community. Most
state employees are already being furloughed
a few days a month,
meaning they are absorbing 10-15% pay cuts. At a county and city
level, mental health facilities are closing, medical clinics are
turning people away, police officers in some areas are having to
take salary cuts, firemen are being fired, state parks are being
shuttered.
Outside the Capitol in Sacramento,
different interest groups and coalitions arrive each day,
banners flying, megaphones brandished like weapons, to demand
protection for their particular jobs or programmes or
constituencies. Inside the building, nobody seems to be
listening: there's an almost palpable sense of disaster in
California's corridors of power these days.
For those with resources, and transferable
skills, California is busily creating a set of conditions that
are almost guaranteed to trigger a brain-drain - academics,
state-employed lawyers, environmental experts and so on will
either start migrating elsewhere or will abandon the state
sector and find shelter, post-recession, in the private sector.
For those less mobile, on the other hand, California is
essentially laying trip-wires that will throw progressively more
middle-class workers into the ranks of the near-poor, and
already poor workers and the unemployed into conditions
approaching destitution.
As more and more state and local
governments fall on
financially desperate times
, California's dilemma
will likely become more common. Will politicians be willing to
risk political capital attempting to sell much-needed tax
increases (or simply roll-backs of tax breaks passed during more
flush times) to constituents in order to preserve vital social
programmes and public infrastructure? If not, will the political
process become increasingly balkanised as scores of interest
groups compete to preserve their slices of shrinking
governmental pies? Will states lose their ability to attract and
retain skilled workers? And what sort of societal fissures will
emerge as states and counties default on their obligations to
preserve their social safety nets?
These are the questions now coming to the
fore. They're not limited to poorer parts of the world. Instead
they're determining the contours and quality of life in some of
the most privileged regions on earth.
© 2009 Guardian News and Media Limited
Sasha Abramsky is a senior fellow at the
New York-based think tank Demos.
Article printed from
www.CommonDreams.org
URL to article:
http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/07/03-3 |